For good or bad, the real deep effects of a Presidential
reign in America are not seen for generations. The effects of a
President’s vision for America and the laws they get passed to make that vision
a reality have real life consequences. Consequences that the average
person feels for the rest of their lives, their children’s lives and
grandchildren’s lives.
For instance, one of the first laws that was passed with
bipartisan support in the infancy of the Clinton Administration was the Family
Medical Leave Act (FMLA). That was quite a feat since Republicans had
fought against FMLA since 1984.
The FMLA was introduced in Congress
every year from 1984 to 1993 and was blocked repeatedly by entrenched,
well-funded opponents. For years we built and nurtured a strong, broad-based
coalition and led fierce and tireless advocacy. Congress passed the legislation
in 1991 and 1992 — but it was vetoed both times by President George H.W. Bush…
The end of the story is well known
— the FMLA passed with bipartisan support in January 1993 and was signed by
President Clinton as the first accomplishment of his new administration. It was
a historic day for women and families, and one of our proudest moments as an
organization.
Prior to FMLA the illness of a family member or the addition
of a child could have cost you your job. With the passage of FMLA men
were able to take an unpaid leave to contribute to the care and nurturing of
their child in the first months of their lives. Today fathers are equal
partners in the raising of their children, unlike any generation before.
One of the most egregious effects of presidential visions
for America was the “War on Drugs” and the effects have been devastating for
multiple generations.
Nixon and the Generation Gap
In the 1960s, as drugs became
symbols of youthful rebellion, social upheaval, and political dissent, the
government halted scientific research to evaluate their medical safety and
efficacy.
In June 1971, President Nixon
declared a “war on drugs.” He dramatically increased the size and presence of
federal drug control agencies, and pushed through measures such as mandatory
sentencing and no-knock warrants. Nixon temporarily placed marijuana in
Schedule One, the most restrictive category of drugs, pending review by a
commission he appointed led by Republican Pennsylvania Governor Raymond Shafer.
In 1972, the commission unanimously recommended decriminalizing the possession
and distribution of marijuana for personal use.
So the placement of marijuana as a Schedule One drug, (the
most dangerous drug with no medicinal purposes) was to be temporary until a
commission he appointed could review the drug. That Republican commission
unanimously recommended decriminalizing marijuana in 1972. So what did
President Nixon do?
Nixon ignored the report and
rejected its recommendations.
States began to follow Nixon’s “war
on drugs,” first with New York enacting the draconian Rockefeller Drug Laws in
1973. The laws, named for then-Governor Nelson Rockefeller, required long
mandatory minimum sentences of 15 years to life for even first-time, nonviolent
drug offenses. Gov. Rockefeller said it was time to take a criminal
justice approach to drug policy. Other states followed New York’s example.
President Carter ran on a platform to decriminalize
marijuana.
The 1970s and Marijuana
Then, in 1977, President Jimmy
Carter was inaugurated on a campaign platform that included marijuana
decriminalization. There was even movement towards marijuana decriminalization
in Congress — in October 1977, the Senate Judiciary Committee voted to decriminalize
possession of up to an ounce of marijuana for personal use, but the measure
never received enough support to become law.
The 1980s and 90s: Drug Hysteria
The presidency of Ronald Reagan
marked the start of a long period of skyrocketing rates of incarceration, largely
thanks to his unprecedented expansion of the drug war. The number of people
behind bars for nonviolent drug law offenses increased from 50,000 in 1980 to
nearly 500,000 by 2000.
In 1985, the proportion of Americans
polled who saw drug abuse as the nation’s “number one problem” was just 2-6
percent. The figure grew through the remainder of the 1980s, driven largely by
the country’s fixation on crack-cocaine, until, in September 1989, it reached a
remarkable 64 percent – one of the most intense fixations by the American
public on any issue in polling history.
Within less than a year, however,
the figure plummeted to less than 10 percent, as the media lost interest.
However, the resulting political hysteria had already led to the passage of
draconian penalties at the state and federal levels. Even as the drug scare
faded from the public mind, these policies produced escalating levels of
arrests and incarceration.
With the Reagan crusade of war on drugs and massive
incarcerations came the privatization of America’s prisons for profit.
Prison Privatization and the Use of
Incarceration
Overview: Private sector
involvement in prisons is not new — federal and state governments have had a
long history of contracting out specific services to private firms, including
medical services, food preparation, vocational training, and inmate
transportation.
The 1980s, though, ushered in a new
era of prison privatization. With a burgeoning prison population resulting from
the “war on drugs” and increased use of incarceration, prison overcrowding and
rising costs became increasingly problematic for local, state, and federal
governments. In response to this expanding criminal justice system, private
business interests saw an opportunity for expansion, and consequently,
private-sector involvement in prisons moved from the simple contracting of
services to contracting for the complete management and operation of entire
prisons.
Today, the privatization of prisons
refers both to the takeover of existing public facilities by private operators
and to the building and operation of new and additional prisons by for-profit
prison companies. (Many of the new prisons, additionally, are built to house
out-of-state inmates.)
This gave rise to ancillary services companies raking in the
big bucks on captive consumers.
One such company that was birthed out of Reagan’s War on
Drugs is a company called Global Links. According to Prison Legal News:
Nationwide PLN Survey Examines Prison Phone Contracts, Kickbacks
by John E. Dannenberg
by John E. Dannenberg
An exhaustive analysis of prison phone contracts nationwide has revealed that with only limited exceptions, telephone service providers offer lucrative kickbacks (politely termed “commissions”) to state contracting agencies – amounting on average to 42% of gross revenues from prisoners’ phone calls – in order to obtain exclusive, monopolistic contracts for prison phone services.
These contracts are priced not only to unjustly enrich the telephone companies by charging much higher rates than those paid by the general public, but are further inflated to cover the commission payments, which suck over $143 million per year out of the pockets of prisoners’ families – who are the overwhelming recipients of prison phone calls. Averaging a 42% kickback nationwide, this indicates that the phone market in state prison systems is worth more than an estimated $362 million annually in gross revenue.
Prisoners don’t have the luxury of scheduling phone calls during those time periods.
Holy cow, $362 million annually that prisoner’s families
must pay or no contact. I wonder why that is so high.
The phone contracts were reviewed
to determine the service provider; the kickback percentage; the annual dollar
amount of the kickbacks; and the rates charged for local calls, intrastate
calls (within a state based on calls from one Local Access and Transport Area
to another, known as interLATA), and interstate calls (long distance between
states). To simplify this survey, only collect call and daytime rates were
analyzed.
Around 30 states allow discounted debit and/or prepaid collect calls, which provide lower prison phone rates (much lower in some cases). However, since other states don’t offer such options and not all prisoners or their families have access to debit or prepaid accounts, only collect calls – which are available in all prison systems except Iowa’s – were compared. Also, while telephone companies sometimes provide reduced rates for evening and nighttime calls, many prisoners don’t have the luxury of scheduling phone calls during those time periods.
Yes, prisoners don’t have the luxury of scheduling phone
calls during hours of reduced rates. As we know from the Sentencing
Project’s article, due to the war on drugs, the privatization of prisons and
the overcrowding, many of the new prisons, are built to house out-of-state
inmates.
CaaChing! Global Link makes out big time if prisoners
are shipped out of state. Their families probably can’t afford to visit
them, so phone calls are all they have. According to Global Link’s website:
HAVE YOU RECENTLY had a loved one arrested and/or
incarcerated in a County, State or Federal facility that is "long
distance" from you?
OR
ARE YOU CURRENTLY paying $5-$20 per inmate call because they
are billed as "long distance" with "per
minute" charges?
FACT: The ONLY way to save money on inmate
calls is to have a phone number that is "local" to your
inmate's jail.
WHY? Without a LOCAL number your cost for
jail calls will include very expensive long distance "per
minute" fees, which will cost you as much as $25 per call.
FACT: Our local numbers save you up to 80%.
By being LOCAL to the jail, they enable you to avoid the costly "long
distance" & "per minute" fees.
According to Robert Woodson, who was
a recent guest on C-Span’s “Washington Journal” Global Links monopoly on prison
telephone services includes 470 correctional systems. Global Links pays a
$40K signing contract and then prisons make $270 million/year by charging families
7 times what outside people pay for phone calls to and from
prisons. Those companies are worth $1.2 billion dollars.
Eric Holder’s Justice Department has announced a new
criteria for expedited clemency applications for the victims of those unjust
sentences. According to Reason
Magazine:
Today Deputy Attorney General James Cole announced new
criteria for expedited consideration of clemency applications by President
Obama, focusing on prisoners serving sentences longer than the ones currently
imposed for similar offenses. "Older, stringent punishments that are
out of line with sentences imposed under today's laws erode people's confidence
in our criminal justice system," Cole said. "I am confident that this
initiative will go far to promote the most fundamental of American ideals—equal
justice under law."
It seems plausible that thousands of federal prisoners could
meet Cole's criteria. According to Families Against Mandatory Minimums (FAMM),
more than 23,000 federal prisoners have served at least 10 years. Drug
offenders, who account for half of federal prisoners, will be the main beneficiaries
of the new policy. FAMM estimates, for example, that 8,800 federal
prisoners could benefit from retroactive application of shorter crack sentences
enacted by Congress in 2010.
So, when Deputy Attorney General Cole announced new clemency
guidelines for releasing some of these low level prisoners who received
sentences that far outweighed the seriousness of their crimes, it is being met
with fierce resistance from the prison industry represented by Republican
Senators. From NewsMax:
According to this article at “NewsMax”:
Senate Republicans Rip Obama's Plan
to Pardon More Drug Offenders
Wednesday, 23 Apr 2014 11:02 PM
By Todd Beamon
Top Republicans on the Senate
Judiciary Committee on Wednesday slammed President Barack Obama for again
trying to circumvent Congress with a plan to consider clemency for more
convicted nonviolent drug offenders.
Sen. Jeff Sessions called it "an alarming abuse of the pardon power."
"The president is now implementing through executive action what Congress expressly chose not to pass into law," the Alabama senator charged. "These are uncharted waters.
Sen. Jeff Sessions called it "an alarming abuse of the pardon power."
"The president is now implementing through executive action what Congress expressly chose not to pass into law," the Alabama senator charged. "These are uncharted waters.
Sen. Orrin Hatch, the Senate's
longest-serving Republican, said that "the president has authority to
grant clemency to certain individuals who are no longer dangerous to the
community."
"But I hope President Obama is not seeking to change sentencing policy unilaterally," he added. "Congress, not the president, has authority to make sentencing policy.
The panel's ranking Republican, Sen. Chuck Grassley of Iowa, cautioned: "The new guidelines are one thing on paper, but we'll need to see how they actually play out in practice.
"The bigger point we need to discuss is how Congress can best lower some sentences or time served and raise other sentences for crimes such as child pornography, terrorism, sexual assault, domestic violence, and various fraud offenses," he said.
Senate Minority Whip John Cornyn of Texas called for "meaningful reform of our nation's prison system," which "requires a well-thought-out proposal for using rehabilitation, jobs, and training to help prisoners re-enter society — not an election-year push with no plan to reduce their risk of becoming repeat offenders."
"But I hope President Obama is not seeking to change sentencing policy unilaterally," he added. "Congress, not the president, has authority to make sentencing policy.
The panel's ranking Republican, Sen. Chuck Grassley of Iowa, cautioned: "The new guidelines are one thing on paper, but we'll need to see how they actually play out in practice.
"The bigger point we need to discuss is how Congress can best lower some sentences or time served and raise other sentences for crimes such as child pornography, terrorism, sexual assault, domestic violence, and various fraud offenses," he said.
Senate Minority Whip John Cornyn of Texas called for "meaningful reform of our nation's prison system," which "requires a well-thought-out proposal for using rehabilitation, jobs, and training to help prisoners re-enter society — not an election-year push with no plan to reduce their risk of becoming repeat offenders."
Let’s hope the Holder Justice Department does not cave to
the GOP demands for any sentencing changes to be legislated through the GOP
dominated congress.
So as previously stated, for good or bad, the real deep
effects of a Presidential reign in America are not seen for generations.
It’s time to drive a stake through the heart of the Nixon/Reagan prison
industrial complex.
By Patricia Baeten
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